Today's Article
'The...government
will surely collapse if
the situation
continues as it is
right now,' says one
Iraqi representative.
will surely collapse if
the situation
continues as it is
right now,' says one
Iraqi representative.
The American Spark
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Iraq Shi'ite Government On Verge Of Falling Apart, Say Officials
By Cliff Montgomery - July 2nd, 2007
Iraqi Vice President and senior Shiite politician Adel Abdul Mahdi handed the government his resignation in
June. It was hardly an isolated incident. Those in the know say it reflects the growing frustration within the Iraqi
government towards the rule of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
The failure of Maliki's government to lessen the nation's ills after a year's worth of fruitless attempts has made
other senior Iraqi officials consider resignation as well, say both Iraqi and American officials.
Mahdi's attempted resignation was held at bay only by promises of immediate action; but that may not matter
in the long run. The attempt is a sure sign of disorder among Iraq's leading Shi'ites, who head the government.
But to be fair to the prime minister, the various issues Maliki's government must settle if Iraq is to continue as a
functioning country are often impossible tasks. Everyone is demanding that this man and his infant democratic
government must stop the bloodshed between rival religious and ethnic groups who naturally despise one
another, contain a growing civil war, turn Iraq's economy into a paradise-in-the-making, and still somehow
consult and consider the minority Sunni democratic demands in the best Western tradition.
"It's all about what is perceived to be Maliki's centralizing control with the inner circles of the Dawa party and
also not taking on the country's tough challenges," a senior Iraqi politician told the Washington Post of the
prime minister's party.
"There is growing frustration about the leadership of this country," he added.
Of course Maliki's advisers insist the prime minister fully embraces national unity, and that his position remains
strong. They've unfortunately already learned the darker side of political spin, claiming that calls for Maliki's
removal may well undermine their 'bold democratic experiment' in Iraq, forgetting that only tyrants fear those
who openly disagree with them.
In a more sober tone, aides add that any responsibility for a failed Iraqi democracy would rest just as much
among the country's rival factions as on the prime minister's government.
In late June one of Maliki's political allies, Muslim cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, again withdrew his followers from
parliament after the second bombing of Samarra's Shi'ite shrine on June 13th, in which some claim corrupt
police officers aided Sunni insurgents.
"The Maliki government will surely collapse if the situation continues as it is right now," said Nasar al-Rubaie,
the leader of Sadr's parliamentary bloc.
Some Iraqi leaders were even more direct.
"These [next] two months will give a strong indication on the issue of his continuation, or whether we go into
the crisis of looking for another prime minister," said Humam Hamoudi, a top leader of the Supreme Islamic
Council in Iraq, another influential Shi'ite faction.
The current government also has failed thus far to enact major laws called for by the Bush Administration in its
starry-eyed hope of making a democratic country out of an insane asylum.
These "benchmarks" include laws governing Iraq's huge oil reserves, and allowing the return of former Baath
Party members into the government--you may remember them as the Sunni officials who dutifully oversaw the
torture and intimidation of their fellow Iraqis under the command of their leader, Saddam Hussein.
For some reason the majority Shi'ite population--no great innocent group itself--has displayed a bizarre fear of
these people, and an equally bizarre fear of constitutional amendments which would grant more influence to
Sunnis. At least, these worries seem bizarre to Bush Administration officials half a world away.
Some U.S. military commanders also question Maliki's commitment to fair enforcement in security operations.
They say that the capture or release of certain suspects are clearly made for sectarian reasons.
If all this weren't enough. the Shi'ite-dominated government must deal with the growing ailments of Abdul Aziz
al-Hakim, head of the Islamic Council. Hakim traveled first to Houston, and is now in Tehran, for much-needed
lung cancer treatment. Several American and Iraqi officials told the Post that Hakim's condition is very poor.
"A highly complicated political landscape is about to get more complicated," an unnamed American official who
follows Shi'ite politics told the Post.
The Islamic Council "is on top now, but other groups are contending for greater political power," the official said.
Take powerful rivals Sadr and Hakim. Each commands large militias, and Sadr might take this opportunity to
expand his rag-tag following as the Islamic Council begins to change.
Sadr is described as a fierce nationalist, while Hakim believes Shi'ites should carve out for themselves a
semi-autonomous region of provinces in southern Iraq. Sadrists feel the Islamic Council is just an Iranian proxy;
U.S. and Iraqi leaders claim--without proof, of course--that Iran also supports Sadr's militia.
It's a healthy situation all around.
Like what you're reading so far? Then why not order a full year (52 issues) of the The American Spark
e-newsletter for only $15? A major article covering an story not being told in the Corporate Press will be
delivered to your email every Monday morning for a full year, for less than 30 cents an issue. Order Now!
By Cliff Montgomery - July 2nd, 2007
Iraqi Vice President and senior Shiite politician Adel Abdul Mahdi handed the government his resignation in
June. It was hardly an isolated incident. Those in the know say it reflects the growing frustration within the Iraqi
government towards the rule of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
The failure of Maliki's government to lessen the nation's ills after a year's worth of fruitless attempts has made
other senior Iraqi officials consider resignation as well, say both Iraqi and American officials.
Mahdi's attempted resignation was held at bay only by promises of immediate action; but that may not matter
in the long run. The attempt is a sure sign of disorder among Iraq's leading Shi'ites, who head the government.
But to be fair to the prime minister, the various issues Maliki's government must settle if Iraq is to continue as a
functioning country are often impossible tasks. Everyone is demanding that this man and his infant democratic
government must stop the bloodshed between rival religious and ethnic groups who naturally despise one
another, contain a growing civil war, turn Iraq's economy into a paradise-in-the-making, and still somehow
consult and consider the minority Sunni democratic demands in the best Western tradition.
"It's all about what is perceived to be Maliki's centralizing control with the inner circles of the Dawa party and
also not taking on the country's tough challenges," a senior Iraqi politician told the Washington Post of the
prime minister's party.
"There is growing frustration about the leadership of this country," he added.
Of course Maliki's advisers insist the prime minister fully embraces national unity, and that his position remains
strong. They've unfortunately already learned the darker side of political spin, claiming that calls for Maliki's
removal may well undermine their 'bold democratic experiment' in Iraq, forgetting that only tyrants fear those
who openly disagree with them.
In a more sober tone, aides add that any responsibility for a failed Iraqi democracy would rest just as much
among the country's rival factions as on the prime minister's government.
In late June one of Maliki's political allies, Muslim cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, again withdrew his followers from
parliament after the second bombing of Samarra's Shi'ite shrine on June 13th, in which some claim corrupt
police officers aided Sunni insurgents.
"The Maliki government will surely collapse if the situation continues as it is right now," said Nasar al-Rubaie,
the leader of Sadr's parliamentary bloc.
Some Iraqi leaders were even more direct.
"These [next] two months will give a strong indication on the issue of his continuation, or whether we go into
the crisis of looking for another prime minister," said Humam Hamoudi, a top leader of the Supreme Islamic
Council in Iraq, another influential Shi'ite faction.
The current government also has failed thus far to enact major laws called for by the Bush Administration in its
starry-eyed hope of making a democratic country out of an insane asylum.
These "benchmarks" include laws governing Iraq's huge oil reserves, and allowing the return of former Baath
Party members into the government--you may remember them as the Sunni officials who dutifully oversaw the
torture and intimidation of their fellow Iraqis under the command of their leader, Saddam Hussein.
For some reason the majority Shi'ite population--no great innocent group itself--has displayed a bizarre fear of
these people, and an equally bizarre fear of constitutional amendments which would grant more influence to
Sunnis. At least, these worries seem bizarre to Bush Administration officials half a world away.
Some U.S. military commanders also question Maliki's commitment to fair enforcement in security operations.
They say that the capture or release of certain suspects are clearly made for sectarian reasons.
If all this weren't enough. the Shi'ite-dominated government must deal with the growing ailments of Abdul Aziz
al-Hakim, head of the Islamic Council. Hakim traveled first to Houston, and is now in Tehran, for much-needed
lung cancer treatment. Several American and Iraqi officials told the Post that Hakim's condition is very poor.
"A highly complicated political landscape is about to get more complicated," an unnamed American official who
follows Shi'ite politics told the Post.
The Islamic Council "is on top now, but other groups are contending for greater political power," the official said.
Take powerful rivals Sadr and Hakim. Each commands large militias, and Sadr might take this opportunity to
expand his rag-tag following as the Islamic Council begins to change.
Sadr is described as a fierce nationalist, while Hakim believes Shi'ites should carve out for themselves a
semi-autonomous region of provinces in southern Iraq. Sadrists feel the Islamic Council is just an Iranian proxy;
U.S. and Iraqi leaders claim--without proof, of course--that Iran also supports Sadr's militia.
It's a healthy situation all around.
Like what you're reading so far? Then why not order a full year (52 issues) of the The American Spark
e-newsletter for only $15? A major article covering an story not being told in the Corporate Press will be
delivered to your email every Monday morning for a full year, for less than 30 cents an issue. Order Now!