Today's Article
It didn't take long for
lawmakers from
both sides of the
aisle to slide around
the new rules.
lawmakers from
both sides of the
aisle to slide around
the new rules.
The American Spark
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Congress Finds Ways to Avoid Lobbyist Limits
By Cliff Montgomery - Feb. 14th, 2007
One of the first acts of the 110th Congress was the passage of new rules intended to curb the influence of lobbyists. The
measures prohibited them from treating lawmakers to meals, trips, stadium box seats or the discounted use of private jets.
It was a popular move from the new Democratic majority. The rules--passed by both houses in early January--have
already taken effect in the U.S. House, and should take effect in the Senate later this spring.
But it hasn't taken long for greedy lawmakers to sidestep the new rules.
In just the last two months, lawmakers have invited lobbyists to bribe them through a myriad of outings: expensive birthday
parties in a lawmaker’s honor ($1,000 a lobbyist), martinis and margaritas at Washington restaurants (at least $1,000),
hunting and fishing trips (typically $5,000), even ritzy parties in Miami's South Beach ($5,000).
And a good number of those working around the new laws have been Democrats.
Senator Thomas Carper (D-DE), recently returned from his annual ski trip to the lavish Ritz-Carlton Bachelor Gulch in
Beaver Creek, CO. Senator Max Baucus (D-MT), just got back from a skiing and snowmobiling trip to his state and has
planned two golfing and fly-fishing weekends as well. Expeditions of lobbyists attend each trip. The top prices for the events
are meant for lobbyists with Political Action Committees (PACs).
The lobbyists and their employers typically end up paying for the events, through methods strictly within the new rules.
Instead of directly picking up the lawmaker’s tab, or contributing to re-election campaigns--matters heavily restricted under
the new measures--lobbyists pay a PAC set up by the lawmaker. In turn, that committee then bribes the legislator.
The lawmakers’ so-called "leadership PACs" began proliferating about two decades ago, initially as a means for senior
members of Congress to build war chests for their re-election campaigns.
Over the last two years, the roughly 300 PACs controlled by lawmakers raised a total of about $156 million--but used only
about a third of that on federal campaign contributions, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a watchdog
group that tracks political fund-raising.
These days, even the newest members of Congress might start them. Two newly elected Democratic senators, Claire
McCaskill of Missouri and Jim Webb of Virginia, already have. Many also primarily use the PACs to pay for travel or
'miscellaneous' other costs.
Lobbyists and fund-raisers say such use of PACs are becoming increasingly popular, partly as a quirky consequence of
the new ethics rules.
By barring lobbyists from mingling with a lawmaker or his staff for the cost of drinks or a steak dinner, the restrictions have
unwittingly created a greater demand for pricier tickets to fund-raising events.
Lobbyists add that the rules might even increase the volume of contributions flowing to Congress from K Street--that D.C.-
based 'valley of the damned' where many lobbying firms have their offices.
Even some lawmakers have acknowledged that some of the fund-raising trips look suspiciously like the lobbyist-paid
junkets that Congress just voted to prohibit.
Jennifer Crider, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), told the New York Times
that its leaders had decided to stop holding fund-raising events for lobbyists with PACs because of the clear inconsistency.
The DCCC has canceled its annual Colorado ski weekend for lobbyists and lawmakers to raise money for the next
campaign. Also gone is its planned Maryland hunting trip with Representative John Dingell (D-MI), chairman of the House
Energy and Commerce Committee and avid hunter.
But other Congressional PACs have not stopped their inconsistencies, including the Democratic Senatorial Campaign
Committee’s annual Nantucket weekend for donors who contribute a whopping $25,000.
Nor have these rules slowed the more greedy individual lawmakers, who are still playing host to plenty of events.
Senator Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican who sometimes invites lobbyists to join him for fund-raising
hunting trips, called such events a simple fact of life.
“If you are not going to have publicly financed elections and you are getting your support from private individuals--which I
believe in--I don’t see any problem with having events where private individuals who give you money can talk to you,” said
Graham.
But Sen. Graham forgets that in any functioning democracy, access to everyone's representatives is an equal right--not a
privilege reserved only for those with the fattest wallets.
Watchdog groups weren't buying such excuses for rampant bribery, either.
“What’s next? 'Come help me pick up my dry cleaning'?” said Massie Ritsch, spokesman for the Center for Responsive
Politics.
By Cliff Montgomery - Feb. 14th, 2007
One of the first acts of the 110th Congress was the passage of new rules intended to curb the influence of lobbyists. The
measures prohibited them from treating lawmakers to meals, trips, stadium box seats or the discounted use of private jets.
It was a popular move from the new Democratic majority. The rules--passed by both houses in early January--have
already taken effect in the U.S. House, and should take effect in the Senate later this spring.
But it hasn't taken long for greedy lawmakers to sidestep the new rules.
In just the last two months, lawmakers have invited lobbyists to bribe them through a myriad of outings: expensive birthday
parties in a lawmaker’s honor ($1,000 a lobbyist), martinis and margaritas at Washington restaurants (at least $1,000),
hunting and fishing trips (typically $5,000), even ritzy parties in Miami's South Beach ($5,000).
And a good number of those working around the new laws have been Democrats.
Senator Thomas Carper (D-DE), recently returned from his annual ski trip to the lavish Ritz-Carlton Bachelor Gulch in
Beaver Creek, CO. Senator Max Baucus (D-MT), just got back from a skiing and snowmobiling trip to his state and has
planned two golfing and fly-fishing weekends as well. Expeditions of lobbyists attend each trip. The top prices for the events
are meant for lobbyists with Political Action Committees (PACs).
The lobbyists and their employers typically end up paying for the events, through methods strictly within the new rules.
Instead of directly picking up the lawmaker’s tab, or contributing to re-election campaigns--matters heavily restricted under
the new measures--lobbyists pay a PAC set up by the lawmaker. In turn, that committee then bribes the legislator.
The lawmakers’ so-called "leadership PACs" began proliferating about two decades ago, initially as a means for senior
members of Congress to build war chests for their re-election campaigns.
Over the last two years, the roughly 300 PACs controlled by lawmakers raised a total of about $156 million--but used only
about a third of that on federal campaign contributions, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a watchdog
group that tracks political fund-raising.
These days, even the newest members of Congress might start them. Two newly elected Democratic senators, Claire
McCaskill of Missouri and Jim Webb of Virginia, already have. Many also primarily use the PACs to pay for travel or
'miscellaneous' other costs.
Lobbyists and fund-raisers say such use of PACs are becoming increasingly popular, partly as a quirky consequence of
the new ethics rules.
By barring lobbyists from mingling with a lawmaker or his staff for the cost of drinks or a steak dinner, the restrictions have
unwittingly created a greater demand for pricier tickets to fund-raising events.
Lobbyists add that the rules might even increase the volume of contributions flowing to Congress from K Street--that D.C.-
based 'valley of the damned' where many lobbying firms have their offices.
Even some lawmakers have acknowledged that some of the fund-raising trips look suspiciously like the lobbyist-paid
junkets that Congress just voted to prohibit.
Jennifer Crider, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), told the New York Times
that its leaders had decided to stop holding fund-raising events for lobbyists with PACs because of the clear inconsistency.
The DCCC has canceled its annual Colorado ski weekend for lobbyists and lawmakers to raise money for the next
campaign. Also gone is its planned Maryland hunting trip with Representative John Dingell (D-MI), chairman of the House
Energy and Commerce Committee and avid hunter.
But other Congressional PACs have not stopped their inconsistencies, including the Democratic Senatorial Campaign
Committee’s annual Nantucket weekend for donors who contribute a whopping $25,000.
Nor have these rules slowed the more greedy individual lawmakers, who are still playing host to plenty of events.
Senator Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican who sometimes invites lobbyists to join him for fund-raising
hunting trips, called such events a simple fact of life.
“If you are not going to have publicly financed elections and you are getting your support from private individuals--which I
believe in--I don’t see any problem with having events where private individuals who give you money can talk to you,” said
Graham.
But Sen. Graham forgets that in any functioning democracy, access to everyone's representatives is an equal right--not a
privilege reserved only for those with the fattest wallets.
Watchdog groups weren't buying such excuses for rampant bribery, either.
“What’s next? 'Come help me pick up my dry cleaning'?” said Massie Ritsch, spokesman for the Center for Responsive
Politics.